Revolutionary Struggle, Electoral Politics and Nepal’s Maobodi

by Bronwyn

While the world focuses on China and the Olympics and activists and celebrities use the moment to draw attention to the Tibetan struggle for self-determination, in Nepal, an incredibly poor country approximately the size of Iowa and landlocked between India and Tibet, a king has been dethroned and Maoist rebels (the Maobodi) have taken center stage. Following a ten-year insurgency, in which they focused on gaining a foothold in rural areas and avoiding some (though not all) of communism’s past pitfalls by reconceptualizing the struggle so that “from the bottom-up” is more a reality than an ideal, they agreed to a cease-fire in November of 2006. During the insurgency, Maoist rebels fought the King’s troops for territories, leaving over 12,000 dead, including civilians.

As with many such struggles, the Maoists sensed the general discontent with the endless violence and instability, and drew on popular sentiments against the Hindu King, exacerbated by the killing of protesters by the King’s security forces, deciding to restrategize, working with the will of the people as well as with more centrist political groups to unite against the monarchy and form a new, more democratically organized, government. After 240 years of feudalism and a Hindu monarchy, huge street celebrations applauded the end of tyranny. A ‘peace-deal’ agreement was signed between an interim coalition and the Maoists, but Maoists soon pulled out, accusing the temporary government of violating the spirit of the deal and leaving King Gyanandra in the palace with some powers intact. They insisted upon new elections or an end to the cease-fire. Last April (2008), in a popular election that stunned the Maoists themselves, they emerged as the main party of the newly formed Constituent Assembly, winning much of the popular vote.  While the situation changes daily – after a presidential election, in which centrist parties organized to block the Maoist candidate, Ramraja Prasad Singh from getting elected, which could have meant a Maoist communist republic (perhaps as oxymoronic as a capitalist democracy), Maoists are considering their next move – the country has already experienced dramatic change, particularly in terms of women’s,  worker’s and ethnic minority rights.

At the time of the election, workers were striking over fuel prices, low wages and poor working conditions. Part of the reason for the Maoist April victory can be credited to their vision of a better society and their promise to rectify such inequalities. Their long insurgency focused on overcoming poverty and deprivation and they actively worked towards such changes, helping bring an end to the caste system and to gender and ethnic discrimination and a dowry system. Men, women, and previously discriminated against ethnic minorities serve in popular militias and in leadership positions. They are in favor of a secular government, rejecting religious bias and the often negative effects of religion on women’s rights. According to “4 Reasons Nepal’s Revolution Matters,” by Mike Eli (for more info see the Kasama Project online): “Farming people who are often half-starved and illiterate have formed people’s courts and early agricultural communes. Wife beating and child marriage are being challenged. There is defiance of arranged marriages and a blossoming of ‘love matches,’ even between people of different castes.” An episode of People Power (posted on Al-Jazeera) shows how “In their mission to create a new Nepal the Maoists are striving for change from the bottom up and grassroots activists are a key component. Shiva Adhakari, a university lecturer, has been canvassing for his local Maoist candidate in an area where residents have little access to running water. ‘Maoists are coming from struggle. They are coming from war,’ he says. ‘So the Maoists can solve the problem.’”

On the less positive side, according to some sources, (as with reporting on any struggle, without first-hand experience or direct witnesses, accuracy is hard) Nepalese Maoists, like other rebel groups such as Peru’s notorious Shining Path and Colombia’s FARC, have a history of some violence and exploitation of peasants. According to the Guardian’s world news report, during their insurgency the Maobodi focused on capture and “recruitment” of school children, peasants were used as temporary forced labor, and moneys and family members were sometimes taken in support of the cause. Maoists persist in the use of old-fashioned propaganda techniques and typically dismiss criticism as conspiracy against them. Members of the YCL (Young Communist League), known for their intimidation and use of violence, continue to incite fear in all levels of society. An example of this is in Al Jazeera’s People Power episode “Nepal’s Maoists go Mainstream,” which describes how, though “their rebel roots may be a source of encouragement for their supporters…others fear the Maoists have not really broken with their violent past. In recent weeks [pre-election] reports of Maoist cadres attacking members of other parties have appeared in local media.” Maoist leaders counter by offering their own examples of abuse from centrist party thugs.

What is certain is that the people of Nepal, with some victories behind them and encouragement from the Maobodi, will continue to strive for equality, improved living conditions and self-determination. We should turn our eyes towards their struggle too, while we linger on China and Tibet. “‘If you look at the root cause of Maoist insurgency…the reason people joined the Maoist movement is nothing to do with philosophy or politics…’ Karki [pres. of federation of Nepali NGO’s] says. ‘The real issues for them were poverty, injustice and unequal social relationships and if we fail to address this there could be another uprising, another armed rebellion.’”

Update: On September 1st  Prachanda (the Maoist candidate/"leader") was elected Prime Minister with 80% of the vote. Asked by the BBC what he will do with his salary he asserted it will go to the country and its people: "leadership must keep away from  making money to ensure that the people are protected and promoted." According to Prachanda the peace-process is ongoing, with much still to be worked out. He promises a more equitable system of land ownership and the continued erosion of caste and gender discrimination. For further information check the Kasama website.